Rachel Reeves has tackled the imminent budget like a hesitant swimmer edging into freezing water, striving to ease the discomfort through gradual immersion.
She started addressing the issue of insufficient revenue near the close of summer. Initially, she declined to stand by earlier insistence that revenue hikes in the previous year's budget would be the final ones.
Later, in early November, she took a bolder stride into the cold waters. Her remarks committed to "do what is necessary" to support state services and control loan interest down.
After 10 days, the exchequer had withdrawn the hint. The manifesto commitment remained intact in the end. As any cold-water swimmer understands, this aborted immersion and quivering withdrawal is the least effective of all approaches. No tactic extends the suffering like hesitation.
It's challenging to be resolute when selecting between types of self-inflicted damage.
Optimism has not been a successful strategy for the administration. Central of Keir Starmer's general election campaign was the vain expectation of in some way fulfilling the public's call for enhanced public services without undoing large sums of Tory revenue decreases.
At no point has either Starmer or Reeves effectively communicated a sense of national purpose to validate all this hardship. Partly that is a issue of leadership presence. The prime minister and the chancellor are uncannily comparable in their ineffective messaging, wooden and reserved in a way that pushes the public away instead of attracting them in.
Similarly to political pressure to invest in public services has pushed the Treasury to acknowledge that revenue must go up, the economic imperative of increasing prosperity makes it more challenging to overlook the expense of detachment from the continental trading bloc.
Ministers used a year splashing in the initial phase of realignment with the EU: suggestions to end border inspections on food items; a student movement initiative. Aspiration went a more substantial on energy, defence and security cooperation, but no major deals has so far been signed.
In the absence clear direction and impetus from Downing Street, negotiations are stalled. Brussels authorities says trading benefits are accessed with payments to the European funds. Government representatives know that's the agreement. That doesn't lead them keen for a open dispute and campaigners screaming betrayal over whatever price ends up being paid.
Commercial conditions has caused some change in the government's tone on the continental partnership. The chancellor has commenced citing leaving Europe alongside the coronavirus crisis as a factor of commercial injury that the finance ministry is working hard to address. Government colleagues have emulated this, although they deliberately ascribe the blame to "poor negotiation terms" or "the way we left", never just "Brexit".
The problem of Britain's future relationship with the EU can't be reduced to technical adjustments and import controls when the entire international system is in significant transformation. In light of everything that has happened since 2016, it feels legitimate still to be posing the big question: were the UK's priorities advanced by leaving the EU?
These constitute cold, uncomfortable truths about Britain's position in choppy global circumstances. It is understandable that both leaders recoil from the responsibility. It would take them way out of their depth, into currents that they dare not resist. So rather they persist anxiously walking the shore, praying that perhaps shortly the circumstances will change.
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